Japan and Traditional Medicine in China

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Interweaving Medical Traditions: Europeand Asia,1600-2000. An International Workshop funded by the Asia-Europe Foundation, the European Alliance for Asian Studies, the Wellcome Trust and the Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at University College London(11th, 12th and 13th of September 2003. Wolfson College, Cambridge)

Japan and Traditional Medicine in Modern China:

The Impact of Japanese Medical Texts in the Period of Republican China*

MAYANAGI Makoto, National Ibaraki University,

Japan

Abstract

Based on my research to present, there have been a number of booms in the publishing of Japanese traditional medicine texts in China, and these booms reflect the political conditions of Japanese-China relations during the modern period. Furthermore, there have been times when Japanese medical texts influenced the Chinese traditional medicine community, including the Huitong group and times when textual sources from Japan

have had little impact. The focus of my present study is the particulars and conditions of Japanese medical text publishing during Republican China (1911-1949).
      From around 1911 in China, paralleling the wave of returning overseas students from Japan, we see an increase in the number of translated and published Japanese traditional medical texts. In 1929 the number of publications skyrocketed in reaction to the ratification of the “Plan to Abolish Chinese Medicine.” In order to fight the abolition movement, traditional medical practitioners in China began to raise issues of modernization and scientization by drawing off of the Japanese model of a “modernized” version of traditional medicine.
      Due to the lack of translation necessary for pre-Meiji (1868) Japanese texts (written in Chinese), a number of collections, series, and commentaries were published in China. Specifically, the literature of the Edo period (1603-1868) “textual medical scholars” enjoyed popularity, and multiple publications. The works of the textual medical scholars, which focused on the Shanghan Lun text, heavily influenced the literature of the “Huitong group,” and ironically, even earned praise from the abolition movement. However, the “Kohó group” was not very influential, though it did command attention for a short-lived period in 1936.
      Post-Meiji texts were also published in the 1920s, but required translation from Japanese into Chinese, so they did not gain the popularity that pre-Meiji medical texts enjoyed. These post-Meiji authors had mastered Western science, yet still championed the superiority of traditional medicine. And while these works were used to challenge the abolition movement, the Huitong group ultimately rejected the “scientization” of traditional medicine vis-à-vis western medicine. Needless to say, this boom remained a surface-level phenomenon.
      In short, the boom in Japanese traditional medical texts, that is, the works of the Edo-period textual medical scholars, peaked from 1929 to 1936; but quickly plummeted in 1937, due to the outbreak of the second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945).

＊The research and writing of this paper was made possible by Grants-in-Aid for Scientific Research – Priority Areas Research (2) from Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology

Japan

for “The Currents and Influence of Medical Texts in East Asia.”

1. Intro

Chinese traditional medicine has influenced Chinese peripheral regions and culture from the medieval period. Yet it was not a static entity, and has undergone many changes, being shaped by peripheral cultures and non-Chinese medical cultures. Above all, modern, experimental scientific medicine has had the largest impact and it continues to be influential to the present.
From the Meiji明治 period (1868-1912) in Japan, only those who had mastered Western modern medicine could become doctors. In 1895, traditional medicine doctors (Kampó i漢方醫) attempted to revise the medical certification laws that legally barred them from the medical profession, but failed. The government vetoed and seemingly doomed the continued existence of traditional medicine practitioners. However, in 1910, Wada Keijúró和田啓十郎 published Ikai no Tettsui 醫界の鐵椎(A Hammer to the Medical World), a critique of the hegemony of Western medicine. He pioneered a movement of Western trained medical doctors who championed the traditional medical systems of

China

and

Japan

. He also started a research program - which continues to the present - that examined the medical properties of materia medica - or the pharmacognosy of Sino-Japanese crude drugs (Wakanyaku和漢藥). Finally, he introduced Western medical education to Acupuncture and Moxibustion practitioners. These developments set up the continued refinement and modification of Japanese traditional medicine, enabling Kampó漢方 to rapidly regenerate in the post-war period.
      The reverse side of this story is that from Meiji onward, the scholars of traditional Japanese medicine, because of the complete difference in Western medical systems, have unavoidably dwindled. In reaction to this trend, the large cannon of medical literature - old medical and pharmaceutical texts - began to be internationally collected and catalogued. We should place the Chinese scholars and officials who came to Japan at the end of the Qing清 dynasty (1644-1910) and began re-transmitting these works back to China within this context.[1]
      Absorbing the introduction of European medicine to China during the Ming明 dynasty (1368-1644), a group within the medical community, the eclectic Huitong匯通 group, became prominent.[2] I have already revealed how one member of this group, Ding Fubao丁福保 (1874-1952) did much to introduce post-Meiji works to China.[3] In addition, I have catalogued the Japanese traditional medical works published in China from the end of the Qing dynasty to 1991.[4]
      The results of this study reveal that in China, Japanese traditional medical texts enjoyed a number of publication booms, and the timing of these publication runs reflect the political conditions between China and

Japan

during the Republican period. Moreover, from the end of the Qing dynasty, the larger traditional Chinese medicine world, including the Huitong group, have been influenced, to greater and lesser degrees, by Japanese medical works. In this paper, I focus on Chinese medicine practitioners of the Republican period, and address their interactions with Japanese medical texts.

2. The Era of Transition: Japanese Medical Texts published in China

As stated above, from the late Qing dynasty scholars and officials visiting

Japan

brought back and introduced Japanese traditional medicine. This was the first real experience of engaging

Japan

’s version of Chinese medicine. This “reverse importation” soon thereafter enjoyed popularity among the people of the republic. My previous work has addressed this trend, and despite needed amendments, it is the basis for Chart I that details - at five-year intervals - the number of publications (including reprints) of Japanese traditional medicine in China during the late Qing dynasty and the Republican periods.[5]

Chart I: Publications of Japanese traditional medicine texts up to 1950

      The classification of Chart I is divided into pre- and post-Meiji. In the pre-Meiji section, the Edo江戸-period textual medical scholar考證學派-related work consists of literature from the Taki多紀 family, who supervised the Edo shogunate’s medical bureau, the Igakukan醫學館. The Kohó古方 group literature is represented by Yoshimasu Todó吉益東洞. I list the acupuncture and moxibustion (acu-moxi) literature that does not fit into the above two categories as “others,” and general scholarship on pre-Meiji works as “commentaries.” In the post-Meiji section, the literature on Kampó medical treatments is listed as “Kampó“, and works on corresponding to pharmacognosy are under “crude drugs”. Texts on health and diet, aimed at the general public, are under “popular”, and works on medical history are “Med-Hist”.
      As Chart I reveals, from the end of the Qing dynasty to 1910, Japanese medical texts were published 30 times, and during the Republican period (1911-1949), an overwhelming 207 times. If we look at the pre-1910 record, we see that only 4 post-Meiji works were published, 3 being of the popular genre. On the other hand, pre-Meiji works were published 26 times, out of which 17 were published between 1881 and 1885. The reason for this explosion is that Yang Shoujing楊守敬, while in Japan, bought 13 woodblock versions of Taki family scholarship and published the entirety as the Yuxiutang Yixue Congshu聿修堂醫學叢書 in 1884.[6] Up to this period, despite Yang’s massive contribution, Chinese scholars did not take notice of the large Meiji period literature on traditional medicines.
      Between the Sino-Japanese and the Russo-Japanese Wars, the number of the Chinese students in Japan exploded, and this first boom ended after 1905.[7] In 1907, Beijing University (Jingshi Daxuetang京師大學堂) abolished its medical department, after which it sent its medical students to Japanese to finish their studies.[8] Four to five years later, after returning to

China

, we see an increase in the publication of Japanese medical texts, which suggests that this increase was due to the efforts of these returning students.
The study of `traditional medicine` really began after the introduction of western science to East Asia. Chinese studying in Japan, such as medical scholar Ding Fubao, brought back and popularized a modern form of `Chinese medicine`.[9] My data reveals this growing popularity of the “scientization” of traditional medicine: Out of the works published between 1911 and 1920, more than half were post-Meiji medical texts. Between 1921 and 1925, we see 11 publishings, and from 1936 to 1940, we see 89 publishings. But, in 1926 and 1927, no Japanese medical texts were published. In 1928, there were 2, in 1929, 8, and in 1930, there were 12.[10] There must have been something happening within the medical world that affected the printing of medical texts during this period. What was it? The answer may be found in the story of the rivalry between conflicting forms of `modern` medicines--both East Asian and Western.
In 1928, the Republic of China opened its first national education congress where Wang Qizhang王企張 (d. 1955), graduate of Osaka大阪 Medical School put forth a proposal to abolish traditional medicine. The following year, Yu Yan余巖 (1879-1954), also a graduate of Osaka Medical School wrote the official “Plan to Abolish Chinese Medicine,” which he succeeded in having ratified at the first Central Hygiene Congress.[11] The abolition movement was based on similar legislation that took effect in

Japan

almost a half a century earlier, which mandated that Chinese medical doctors had to possess Western medical credentials in order to practice medicine. In

China

, the resistance and staying power of the traditional medicine made the enforcement of the abolition law difficult. In addition, in Shanghai上海 in 1929, the first national conference of medical organization representatives was held in order to counter the abolition movement. By 1936, Chinese medicine acquired a legal and legitimate basis according to government order. And, in 1937, traditional medical practitioners began to hold positions within the government’s Hygiene Department.
Internally, the resistance against the abolition movement did much to systematize and organize traditional medicine and its curriculum. Externally, traditional medicine was forced to gain the understanding and sympathy of both public opinion and politicians. Here, the model of Japanese traditional medicine must have been appealing. The advanced scholarly canon of the Kohó and the textual medical scholars of the mid- to late-Edo period, coupled with the “scientization” of traditional medical system of the Meiji period, provided the perfect model for traditional medical practitioners in

China

who needed to systematize and modernize their curriculum and community. Therefore, this is why we see a spike in the number of Japanese medical texts being published in

China

from 1929 onward.
However, if the height of pre-Meiji text publishing was between 1936 and 1940, it quickly dropped to only 7 from 1941 to 1945. If we break the publishing peak into years, we see 8 in 1934, 21 in 1935, and an accelerated 83 in 1936.[12] But, in 1937 there were only 3 publishings, in 1938 there was only 1, and in 1939 there were none. According to the work of Sanetó Keishú實藤惠秀, the translating and publishing of modern Japanese medical texts in China reflects the same trend.[13] While the end of the publishing boom came in 1937, we should not associate it with the victory of traditional medical practitioners and their success in gaining legal recognition. It should be no surprise that the printing boom in China ended in 1937, at the outbreak of the second Sino-Japanese War. In short, the “boom” period of printing lasted from 1929 to 1936.

If we look at both Chart I and Graph I, we see an increase in the number of pre-Meiji texts published between 1936 and 1940 (compared to earlier periods). For investigative purposes, I have combined and totaled the pre- and post- Meiji publications on Chart I into Graph IIand III. Comparing both graphs, we see that, excluding the 1921-1925 period, both pre- and post-Meiji publications maintained similar publishing frequency. However, from 1929 to 1936, the number of pre-Meiji text publications exploded. One reason (besides the anti-abolition movement's activities) for the disparity is that post-Meiji works were written in Japanese and required translation into Chinese, while the pre-Meiji works were already written in classical Chinese and required little effort to translate.

Moreover, if we look at Graph II, we see that the Edo-period textual medical scholar literature enjoyed popularity, while the Kohó group only experienced a brief boom in 1936. It is of interest that the post-Meiji texts did not drop off completely in the 1940s. Indeed, there was an increase in publications between 1944 and 1950. Issues of publishing and the demand for books during this period deserve further investigation.

3. Publication of Pre-Meiji Medical Works

In 1884, the Yuxiutang Yixue Congshu was published in

China

, marking the first time that pre-Meiji Japanese medical texts were introduced to

China

. After this, numerous series were compiled and published. There can be no doubt that the lack of translation effort facilitated the publishing boom in pre-Meiji texts. The details of these collections are displayed on Chart II.

Chart II: Pre-Meiji texts in Republican era Trad. Medicine series（Post-Meiji texts）

Date	Series name（# of indiv. texts）	Genre of Japanese medicine：# of books
1913	六譯館醫學叢書Liuyiguan Yiyao Congshu (22)	Commentary on Textual medical scholars: 2
1915	醫薬叢書Yiyao Congshu (56)	（Natural medicine: 1）
1923	三三醫書Sansan Yishu (99)	Textual medical scholars: 2　Others: 1　Kohó: 5
1928	薬庵醫學叢書Yaoan Yixue Congshu (22)	Commentary on Textual medical scholars: 1
1929	日本漢醫傷寒名著合刻Riben Hanyi Shanghan Mingzhu Heke (2)	Textual medical scholars: 2
1931	國醫小叢書Guoyi Xiaocongshu (34)	Others: 2　Kohó: 1
1931	何氏醫學叢書Heshi Yixue Congshu (4)	Textual medical scholars: 2 　Commentary on Textual medical scholars: 1
1936	皇漢醫學叢書Huanghan Yixue Congshu (72)	Text-med.: 16　 Others: 26　 Kohó: 16　Acu-moxi: 3
1936	珍本醫書集成Zhenben Yishu Jicheng (90)	（Kampó: 2 Nat. Medicine: 5 Acu-moxi: 1　History: 3）
1936	中國醫學大成 Zhongguo Yixue Dacheng (134)	Others: 1
1937	古本醫學叢刊 Guben Yixue Conggan (2)	Text-med.: 1 Commentary on Text. medical scholars: 1　Others: 1　 Kohó: 2　History: 1 Acu-moxi: 1

      While the number of pre-Meiji texts is indeed quite large, there of course were post-Meiji texts published in these collections as well. I have included the number of post-Meiji works in parentheses on Chart II. As stated before, the publication boom peaked in 1936, with 83 publications, with 79 of them being collections. For example, the Huanghan Yixue Congshu compiled and edited by Chen Cunren陳存仁 (1908-1990), contained 72 different works, and influenced the post-1936 printing of “Others” and Kohó group texts that we see in Graph II.[14]
      Not only collections, but topic-related texts were also published in the 1936 peak. For example, a version of Taki Mototane多紀元胤’s 80 volume Isekikó醫籍考, with hand-written corrections by younger-brother Taki Motokata多紀元堅, was photographed and published by Fujikawa Yu富士川游 between 1933 and 1935. The Zhongxi Yiyao Yanjiushe中西醫藥研究社in Shanghai, a Shanghai medical research group, not only republished Fujikawa’s edition in 1936, but added a book and name glossary as well. It is clear from the forewords written by Chinese medical historians in this reprint that they had wanted (and craved) this series for some time. Fan Xingzhun范行準 (1906-1998) helped with the glossary compilation.[15] Of deep interest is the title-paged, penned by Yu Yan, the leader of the Abolish Chinese Medicine group. This entry suggests an interesting set of personal relations among the traditional and Western medical practitioners during the late Republican period.
     As stated above, the Huanghan Yixue Congshu皇漢醫學叢書 was also published in printed form in 1936. Up to this point, published work of the textual medical scholars were only reprints of the Yuxiutang Yixue Congshu, so with the Isekikó printing, interest in and research on work of the textual medical scholars began to grow in

China

.
      The 1936 publishing peak of textual medical scholarship reflected the growing respect for these scholars. Their works are still published today, for example Taki Motokata alone has 57 publishing, more than the 31 printings of other Japanese texts.[16] Moreover, we do not see only re-printings, but also books in series, with accompanying commentaries.
       For example, in 1913 Liao Ping廖平 (1852-1932) published Liuyiguan Yixue Congshu六譯館醫學叢書 that contained two texts--Maixue Jiyao Ping脈學輯要評 and Yaozhi Tongyi Jiyao藥治通義輯要--based on Taki Motoyasu多紀元簡`s Myakugaku Shuyó脈學輯要 and Yakuchi Tsugi藥治通義.[17] Then, Cao Bingzhang曹炳章 (1877-1956) republished Liao`s Maixue Jiyao Ping in Zhongguo Yixue Dacheng中國醫學大成 in 1936.[18] Also, Yun Tieqiao惲鉄樵 (1878-1935) published Shanghan Lun Jiyi An傷寒論輯義按 in his series Yao-an Yixue Congshu藥庵醫學叢書, which was based on Taki Motoyasu`s Shókanron Shugi傷寒論輯義.[19] Or, in 1931 He Lianchen何廉臣 (1861-1929) included Xinzeng Shanghan Guangyao新増傷寒広要 --based on Taki Motokata`s Shókan Kóyó傷寒広要 --in Heshi Yixue Congshu何氏醫學叢書 as well as reproduced Taki Motokata`s Shókanron Jutsugi傷寒論述義and Asada Sóhaku浅田宗伯`s Shókanron Shi傷寒論識.[20]
      Despite the relatively small number of texts used in to write the above-mentioned commentaries (4 works by Taki Motoyasu and Motokata), Liao Ping, Yun Tieqiao, and He Lianchen, along with Cao Bingzhang, represented the Huitong group, which directed the promotion of the traditional medicine world during the Republican period. For example, in 1922, Yun published Qunjing Jianzhilu群經見智録, a work that directly challenged Yu Yan of the abolition movement.[21] Nevertheless, even the Abolish Chinese Medicine group respected the works of the Edo-period textual medical scholars.
      In short, the works of the textual medical scholars―that centered on the scholarship of the Taki family - enjoyed popularity in

China

from the end of the Qing dynasty, being published in many series, such as the 1936 HuanghanYixue Congshu. In addition, the respect for the work of the textual medical scholars was so high that even promoters of modern medicine evaluated their scholarship in a positive light.

4. Publication of Post-Meiji Medical Works

Which post-Meiji texts enjoyed popularity? I have compiled the numbers of Kampó treatment, acupuncture and moxibustion, and natural medicine texts published after 1911 (only those published at least two times) on Chart III.[22] Of the 17 titles, all the authors of the Kampó treatment texts were Kampó doctors, the authors of pharmacognosy works were pharmacists or pharmacologists, and all the authors of the acu-moxi texts were either acu-moxi doctors, acu-moxi schools, or practitioners. All were studying modern medicine as well; thus we see modern medical terms and phrases in these texts. In short, traditional medicine texts that underwent a “scientization” process enjoyed popularity.

Chart III: A Summary of Post-Meiji text Publications [Dates and Chinese Title (Author and Original title)]

［Kampó treatment works］
(1) 1911, 17, 20, 30 Yijie zhi Tiezhui醫界之鐵椎（Wada Keijuró和田啓十郎 Ikai no tetsu tsui醫界の鐵椎）
(2)1916, 29, 34, 43 Hanfa Yidian漢法醫典（Nozu Takeo野津猛男Rinshó Kanpó Iten臨牀漢法醫典）
(3)1929, 30, 31, 34, 35, 39, 52, 56 Huanghan Yixue皇漢醫學, 1930 (different translation) Huanghan Yixue（Yumoto Kyushin湯本求眞Kókan Igaku皇漢醫學）
(4)1929 Linquang Yingyong Hanfangyixue Jieshuo臨牀應用漢方醫學解説, 1930 Gufang Xinyixue Jieshuo古方新醫學解説, 1946 Riyi Yingyong Hanfang Sheyi日醫應用漢方釋義（Yumoto Kyushin Rinshó Óyó Kanpoigaku Kaisetsu臨牀應用漢方醫學解説）
(5)1929, 35 Hanyao Shengongfang漢藥神功方（Ishihara Hoshu石原保秀Kókan Meii Wakanyaku Shohó皇漢名醫和漢藥處方）
(6)1931, 34, 43 Hehanyixue Zhensui（Hehan Chufangxue Jinliang, Dongyang Hehanyixue Shiyanji）和漢醫學眞髄（和漢處方學津梁, 東洋和漢醫學實驗集）, 1933 Hanfang Chufangxue Gejue漢方處方學歌訣（Watanabe Hiromu渡辺煕Gendai Igaku Kaizó no Noroshibi, Tóyó Wakan Igaku Jikkenshú現代醫學改造の烽火, 東洋和漢醫學實驗集）
(7)1933, 35 Leizheng Jianbie Huanghan Yixue Yaojue類證鑑別皇漢醫學要訣, 1936 Leizheng Jianbie Hanyi Yaojue類證鑑別漢醫要訣（Outsuka Keisetsu大塚敬節Ruishou Kanbetsu Koukan Igaku Yóketsu類證鑑別皇漢醫學要訣）
(8)1947, 54, 55, 56 Zhongyi Zhenliao中醫診療（Yakazu Dómei and Kimura Nagahisa矢數道明, 木村長久Takushoku University Kanpó Kóza Kyózai拓大漢方講座教材）

［Acupuncture and Moxibustion texts］
(9)1915, 17, 23, 24, 32 Zuixin Shixi Xifa Zhenjiu最新實習西法鍼灸（Okamoto Akio岡本愛雄Jisshú Shinkyúka Zensho實習鍼灸科全書）
(10)1930, 33, 35, 40 Jiufa Yixue Yanjiu灸法醫學研究（ Hara Shimetaró原志免太郎Kyúhó no Igakuteki Kenkyú灸法の醫學的研究）
(11)1930, 31, 32, 33, 36, 37, 41 Gaodeng Zhenjiuxue Jiangyi高等鍼灸學講義（Enmei Zan Shinkyugakuin延命山鍼灸學院Koutou Shinkyugaku Kouza高等鍼灸學講座）
(12)1936, 48, 49, 51, 52, 54, 55, 56 Zhenjiu Mikai鍼灸秘開（Tamamori Teisuke玉森貞助ShinkyúKeiketsu Iten鍼灸經穴醫典）
(13)1949, 51, 54 Zhenjiu Chufangji鍼灸處方集（Shirota Bunshi代田文志RinshóChiryó Yóketsu臨牀治療要穴, Matsumoto Shirohei松元四郎平Shinkyú Rinshó Chihóroku鍼灸臨牀治方録）

［Pharmacognosy texts］
(14)1910, 11, 14, 34 Huaxue Shiyan Bencao化學實驗新本草（Taken from Japanese pharmacological texts）
(15)1914, 18, 26 Hanyao Shiyantan漢藥實驗談（Koizumi Eijiró小泉榮次郎Kanyaku Jikkendan漢藥實驗談）
(16)1930, 33 Xin Bencao Gangmu新本草綱目（Koizumi EijiróWakanyaku kó和漢藥考）
(17)1946, 47, 49 Shiyong Zhongyao Dagang實用中藥大綱（Miyamae Takeo宮前武雄ZúsetsuWakanyaku Óyó no Jissai圖説和漢藥應用の實際）

Of the 17 titles printed between 1911 and 1949, there were 8 Kanpó texts published 27 times, 5 acu-moxi texts 20 times, and 4 crude drug texts published 12 times. Since number of publications reflects popularity, we can assume that these fields and titles were “in demand.”

      Among the texts with the highest number of publications, the most well-published post-Meiji work was Yumoto Kyushin湯本求眞’s Kókan Igaku皇漢醫學, with 2 translated versions and 7 publications (if we include the People’s Republic period as well, 9 publications). Yumoto’s Rinshó Óyó Kanpo Igaku臨牀應用漢方醫學 had 3 different translated versions, reflecting the popularity that Yumoto’s work enjoyed during this period. For example, Yumoto wrote a congratulatory address (Map I) to Zhou Zixu周子叙’s translation of the Kókan Igaku text, and Zhou wrote in the preface of this book, “Everyone, the things Yumoto says are the things I want to, but cannot. In the face of the extinction of traditional medicine, surely this text will be a lifesaver. Yumoto’s scientific experiments are not unfounded abstractions. They make clear the wonderful effects of our ancient prescriptions, which cannot simply be put mechanically into practice. Yumoto’s scientific experiments are the standards of the medical world, and the basis for the revival of our people.”[23]
      In 1929, the “Plan to Abolish Chinese Medicine” was ratified, and in reaction to this, a number of traditional medicine works were published (6 out of the 17 printed during this period). Within these works, we see the urgency felt by the Chinese medical field and the need to modernize and scienticize in order to resist the abolition movement. For example, the terminology used in these works, such as “high grade,” “latest,” “Western method,” “medical research,” and “chemical experiments,” reflects these tensions.
      The popularity of Wada Keijuró‘s work, A Hammer to the Medical World was very high and the text went through 4 printings. Wada had mastered modern medicine, yet critiqued its shortcomings, and at the same time, he argued for the superiority of traditional medicine. As stated earlier, Yu Yan and Wang Qizhang of the abolition movement studied modern medicine in

Japan

. Wada’s book, therefore, was the perfect analytical and argumentative model for the traditional medical world to deploy against the abolition movement.
      As we have seen, the publication of pre-Meiji texts drastically decreased after 1937, yet post-Meiji works continued to be published (although at a reduced pace). Why?  First, although the proponents of Chinese medicine succeeded in gaining legal recognition in 1936 and in establishing a Chinese medicine congress in 1937, their accomplishments were muted by the outbreak of the second Sino-Japanese War in 1937. Second, the abolition movement continued its assault on traditional medicine after 1945.[24] The anti-abolition group must have continued to find value in translating and publishing post-Meiji works into the People’s Republic period.

5. Influences

      The Huitong group made commentaries and published 4 textual medical scholar series during the Republican period. Among these, 2 focused on the Shanghan Lun傷寒論 text, a canon written by Zhang Zhongjing張仲景. For example, Qin Bowei秦伯未(1901-1970) edited the Riben Hanyi Shanghan Mingzhu Heke日本漢醫名著合刻, which is composed of Asada Sóhaku’s Shókan Benyó傷寒辨要 and Shókan Yokuhó傷寒翼方 texts. [25] The Huitong group introduced textual medical scholar Shanghan Lun literature to the traditional medicine community, and influenced later Shanghan Lun related work.
      The most obvious example is Huitong group member Lu Yuanlei陸淵雷’s (1894-1955) Shanghan Lun Jinshe傷寒論今釋.[26] This work enjoyed great influence and popularity, and was published the most number of times among the Republican period Shanghan Lun literature―7 times between 1931 and 1956.[27] In the preface of the first edition, a virtual a record of his lectures, Lu wrote, “I wrote the first volume while teaching at the Shanghai Chinese Medicine Specialty School, I wrote the next two volumes while at the Shanghai Chinese Medical College, and the last volume when at the Shanghai National Medical College.”
      Lu’s own teacher, Dean of the Shanghai Chinese Medical College and People’s Revolution Intellectual Zhang Bingling章炳麟(1869-1936) wrote in the preface of the first edition, “Lu synthesizes a number of Chinese theories, uses evidences from Japan, and when in doubt, consults Western medicine. He has authored an eight volume set.” In actual practice, Lu quoted from 45 different Japanese texts (compared to 34 Chinese ones.) There were times when Lu referred to only to Japanese names, or to post-Meiji texts (only Kókan Igaku and Onchidó Zacho温知堂雑著), but the majority of cited works were pre-Meiji texts. [28] The reasons for this are not detailed in the text, yet Lu’s senior Yun Tieqioa wrote in Shanghan Lun Jiyi Anthat “To chase after scientization will only bring ruin. We should not copy the Japanese example. While the surface of current Japanese medicine is scientific, the underside consists of old Chinese medicine and treatments. They are trying to make Chinese medicine into the same thing as Western medicine. If we copy them, no good will come, we will only let Chinese medicine go extinct.” [29] While speculative, we can assume that Lu also felt the same thing―that is, the scientization of Chinese medicine in the post-Meiji period was not good for the survival of traditional medicine.
      Of the pre-Meiji works that Lu cited, we see a wide range covering textual medical scholars and the Kohó group literature. The most quoted work was Yamada Seichin山田正珍’s Shókanron Shúsei傷寒論集成, next was Taki Motoyasu’s Shokanron Shúgi, then Taki Motokata’s Shókanron Jutsugi, Asada Sóhaku’s Futsugo Yakushitsu Hókan Kuketsu勿誤薬室方凾口訣, Yoshimasu Tódó‘s Hókyoku方極, and Odai Yódó尾台榕堂‘s Ruijuhó Kógi類聚方廣義. The large number of textual medical scholar citations stands out far above quotations drawn from Kohó group literature.
Lu published Jingui Yaolue Jinshe金匱要略今釋 in 1935, based on the Jingui Yaolue金匱要略 text - also a work written by Zhang Zhongjing. This book went through 8 printings between 1935 and 1957, and was the most published book among the Jingui Yaolueliterature of the Republican period.[30] In this work, Lu quotes 51 different Japanese medical texts; rather large when compared to the 19 citations from Chinese sources. Among the Japanese works referred to, only 4 were post-Meiji, the rest were pre-Meiji texts. While Lu drew off of an even number of textual medical scholars and Kohó group texts, he quoted the work of the textual medical scholars more frequently.[31]
      Also, Lu harshly criticized Kohó group’s mistaken Chinese dynastical annotations and comments on the Waitai Wutou Tang外臺烏頭湯, which they clearly failed to check against the standard Waitai Miyao Fang外臺祕要方 text. In addition, in the preface wrote in 1934, Lu says, “I look to Zhongjing as my teacher, but I do not strictly adhere to the ancient prescriptions like the Kohó group.” Here, it appears that he is disassociating himself from the Kohó group.
      There is no doubt that Lu enjoyed popularity due to the boom in traditional medicine publications, and his two volumes went through many publications during the Republican period. While Lu drew off of Chinese and Kohó group scholarship, he predominantly depended on the works of the textual medical scholars. Lu was not the only Zhongjing scholar of this period, however. Other members of the Huitong group, such as Huang Zhuzhai 黄竹齋 (1886-1960) and his Shanghan Lun Jizhu 傷寒論集注and Yan Derun閻徳潤 (1898-19??) and his Shanghan Lun Pingshe 傷寒論評釋, highly valued the textual medical scholarship on Zhongjing, and even adapted Japanese annotations to their own work.[32]
      At this time, the Huitong group rejected the five elements theory - the basis of ancient Chinese medicine - as applicable to the practice of traditional medicine treatment, and instead favored modern, experimental medicine. Within this context, the Shanghan Lun, a work that did not rely heavily on the five elements theory, was the most appropriate bible-like text for the Huitong group. And naturally, the Japanese scholarship on the Shanghan Lun, which also rejected the five elements theory, was the most applicable body of scholarship from which to draw. While post-Meiji literature also engaged modern scientific medicine, it did not achieve the same popularity that pre-Meiji literature did. Instead, the Huitong group, the leaders of `modern` traditional medicine in China, chose Shanghan Lun as their core text, and they informed their own research with the work of the Edo-period textual medical scholars.

6. Conclusion

      Concurrent with the boom in returning overseas students from

Japan

, we see an increase in the number of Japanese traditional medicine texts being translated and published in

China

from 1911. The publishing boom exploded in 1929, a direct reaction against the ratification of the “Plan to Abolish Chinese Medicine.” In order to resist the abolition movement, traditional medicine was forced to engage issues of modernization and scientization. The cannon of Japanese literature on traditional medicine provided the most applicable model for this. And, the application of this model then sparked a boom in the printing of Japanese traditional medicine texts.
      The incorporation of Japanese texts was facilitated by the ease of translation, and by the frequency of series publications.  The literature of the Edo-period textual medical scholars―centering on the Taki family―enjoyed special popularity, and we see not only their works being published, but accompanying commentaries on them as well. The textual medical scholarship on Shanghan Lungreatly influenced the Huitong group, and - ironically - even the abolition movement praised the works of the Taki family. While the Kohó group’s enormous Huanghan Yixue Congshu was published in 1936, its ascendancy was short-lived and did not impact the field as strongly as textual medical scholarship.
      From 1929, post-Meiji texts began to be published too, but due to the need for time-consuming translations, this genre of medical literature did not become popular. Looking at works that were printed 2 times or more from 1911, we see that all the preferred authors were modern medical practitioners. These texts, while approaching medicine from a “modern standpoint,” often complained about the shortcomings of modern medicine and argued for the superiority of traditional medicines nonetheless. Traditional medicine advocates then used this platform to critique the abolition group. However, the Huitong group also reacted against the “scientization” of traditional medicine, so the incorporation of modern medicine into the paradigm of traditional Chinese medicine was limited to a surface-level phenomenon.
      From 1929 to 1936, pre-Meiji texts enjoyed a publication boom, which ended in 1937 due to the outbreak of war. While “if’s” have little meaning in the field of history, I cannot help thinking that had there been no war, we would not have the present gulf between the worlds of Chinese and Japanese traditional medicine.

NOTES
[1] Mayanagi Makoto, “Kiyokoku makki ni okeru Nihon Kanpó igaku shoseki no dennyú to sono hensen ni tsuite,” Yakazu Dómei Sensei kijukinen bunshú(Tokyo: Onchikai, 1983):643-661.
眞柳誠「清國末期における日本漢方醫學書籍の傳入とその變遷について」『矢數道明先生喜壽記念文集』643-661頁、東京・1983.
[2] See the following for more on the Huitong group. Liu Boji, Zhongguo yixueshi (Yangming Shan: Huagan chubanbu, 1974), 624-635; Ren Yingqiu, Zhongguo Gejiaxueshuo 8, Huitong Group (Shanghai Keji chubanshe, 1980), 154-180; Chen Zhifang (editor) Zhongwai Yixueshi (Beijing Yikedaxue Zhongguo xiehe Yikedaxue lianhe chubanshe, 1997), 136-139; Ishida Hidemi, “Chúgoku dentó igaku ha naze kaibógaku wo sóki ni joyó – tenkai sasenakatta no ka?” Chúgoku gijutsushi no kenkyú Tanaka Tan (editor) (Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku jinbunkagaku kenkyújo, 1998), 715-738.
劉伯驥『中國醫學史』624- 635頁、陽明山・華岡出版部、1974年。任應秋『中醫各家學説』154-180頁「第八章　匯通學派」、上海科學技術出版社、1980年。程之范主編『中外醫學史』136-139頁、北京醫科大學中國協和醫科大學連合出版社、1997年。石田秀實「中國傳統醫學はなぜ解剖學を早期に受容・展開させなかったのか」、田中淡編『中國技術史の研究』715-738頁、京都大學人文科學研究所、1998年。
[3] Gao Yu-qiu and Mayanagi Makoto, “Ding Fubao and Sino-Japanese Medical Exchanges of Traditional Medicine,” Chinese Journal of Medical History 22:3 (July, 1992): 175-180.
高毓秋・眞柳誠「丁福保與中日傳統醫學交流」『中華醫史雑誌』22巻3号175-180頁、1992年。
[4] Mayanagi Makoto, “Chúgoku ni oite shuppan sareta Nihon no kanpó kankei shoseki no nendaibetsu mokuroku (1)” Kanpó no rinshó 30:9 (September, 1983): 47-51, “Chúgoku ni oite shuppan sareta Nihon no kanpó kankei shoseki no nendaibetsu mokuroku (2)” Kanpó no rinshó 30:10 (October, 1983): 32-41, “Chúgoku ni oite shuppan sareta Nihon no kanpó kankei shoseki no nendaibetsu mokuroku (3)” Kanpó no rinshó 31:2 (February, 1984): 64-75; Xiao Yanchu and Mayanagi Makoto, “Chúgoku shinkan no nihon kanren koiseki,”Kanpó no rinshó 39:11 (November, 1992): 1431-1444.
眞柳誠「中國において出版された日本の漢方關係書籍の年代別目録(1)」『漢方の臨牀』30巻9号47-51頁、1983年。「同(2)」同30巻10号32-41頁、1983年。「同 (3)」同31巻2号64-75頁、1984年。蕭衍初・眞柳誠「中國新刊の日本關連古醫籍」『漢方の臨牀』39巻11号1431-1444頁、1992 年。
[5] Ibid.
[6] See notes 1 and 4.
[7] Sanetó Keishu, Chúgokujin nihon rugakushi (Tokyo: Kuroshio shuppan, 1960), 55-62.
實藤惠秀『中國人日本留學史』55-62頁、東京・くろしお出版、1960年。
[8] Zhao Hongjun Jindai Zhongxiyi Lunzhengshi (Hefei: Anhui Keji chubanshe, 1989), 154.
趙洪鈞『近代中西醫論争史』154頁、合肥・安徽科學技術出版社、1989年。
[9] See note 3.
[10] See note 4.
[11] See note 8, 109, 114-117, 122-127, 142-149, 278.
[12] See note 4.
[13] Santó Keishu (editor), “4 – Óyó kagakurui yakusho meisaihyó,” Chúgokuyaku nihonsho sógómokuroku (Hong Kong: Zhongwen Daxue chubanshe, 1980), 47.
實藤惠秀監修『中國譯日本書總合目録』47頁「4.應用科學類譯書明細表」、香港・中文大學出版社、1980年。
[14] Yang Xinglin, “Yilin Guaijie Chen Curen,” Zhongyi Wenxian Zazhi 41:3 (1995): 28-30.
楊杏林「醫林怪傑陳存仁」『中醫文獻雑誌』41期28-30頁、1995年。
[15] Yi Guanqian, “Fan Xingzhun Zhuanlue,” Chinese Journal of Medical History 28:4 (October, 1998): 244-245.
伊広謙「范行準傳略」『中華醫史雑誌』28巻4期244-245頁、1998年。
[16] Mayanagi Makoto and Guo Xiumei, “Taki Motokata no chojutsu,” Journal of the Japan Society of Medical History 42:1 (March, 1996): 111-113.
眞柳誠・郭秀梅「多紀元堅の著述」『日本醫史學雑誌』42巻1号111-113頁、1996年。
[17] Maruyama Toshiaki, “Ryó Hei to Yó chú Taiso,” Tóyó igaku zenbon sósho 8 (Osaka: Tóyó igaku kenkyúkai, 1981), 93-110.
丸山敏秋「廖平と楊注『太素』」『東洋醫學善本叢書』第8冊93-110頁、大阪・東洋醫學研究会、1981年。
[18] See note 8, 93.
[19] Wu Yun-bo, “The Life and Academic Thinking of Yun Tieqiao,” Chinese Journal of Medical History 21:2 (April, 1991): 88-93.
呉雲波「惲鐵樵生平和學術思想」『中華醫史雑誌』21巻2期88-93頁、1991年。
[20] Chai Zhongyuan, “He Lianchen shengping ji dui zuguo yizue zhi gongxian,” Chinese Journal of Medical History 14:2 (April, 1984): 87-89.
柴中元「何廉臣生平及對祖國醫學之貢獻」『中華醫史雑誌』14巻2期87-89頁、1984年。
[21] See note 8, 181-186.
[22] While largely based on note 7, there is a Chinese version, Quanguo Zhongyitushu lianhe mulu Xue Qinglu (editor) (Beijing: Zhongyi guji chubanshe, 1991) and an original Japanese version belonging to the author according to the online database of the Gakujutsu Jóhó Center’s sógó mokuroku.
當部分の書誌は主に文獻[7]によったが、中國版は『全國中醫圖書聯合目録』（薛清録主編、北京・中醫古籍出版社、1991年）で、日本版の原本は筆者所藏本・學術情報センター總合目録データベースWWW檢索サービスで補訂した。
[23] Based on the 1929 Shanghai Zhonghua Shuju publication.
1929年の上海中華書局版による。
[24] See note 8, 127-131.
[25] Qin Bowei, Qing Bowei yiwenji (Changsha: Hunan keji chubanshe, 1983), 1-10.
秦伯未『秦伯未醫文集』1-10頁、長沙・湖南科學技術出版社、1983年。
[26] See note 8, 220-231.
[27] See note 22, Quanguo Zhongyitushu lianhe mulu, 61.
注[22]所引『全國中醫圖書聯合目録』、61頁。
[28] Based on Lu Yuanlei’s 1956 Renmin Weisheng chubanshe version of Shanghan Lun Jinshe.
陸淵雷『傷寒論今釋』の人民衛生出版社版(1956年)による。
[29] See note 2, Zhongguo Gejiaxueshuo, 168-169.
注[2]所引『中醫各家學説』、168-169頁
[30] See note 22, Quanguo Zhongyitushu lianhe mulu, 98.
注[22]所引『全國中醫圖書聯合目録』、98頁。
[31] Based on Lu Yuanlei’s 1956 Renmin Weishing chubanshe version of Jingui Yaolue Jinshe.
陸淵雷『金匱要略今釋』の人民衛生出版社版(1956年)による。
[32] See note 8, 220-231.

Note: I would like to express my deep gratitude to Mr. Alexander Bay (MA) for translating this article.